Here Are My Ten Takeaways From The HHS Pediatric Gender Medicine Review

As a lawyer who represents detransitioners like Chloe Cole in medical malpractice cases and parents fighting for the right to notice and consent before public schools may socially transition their children, I am all too familiar with how bad science gets laundered in pediatric gender medicine. For the record, a detransitioner is an individual who medically transitioned but now identifies and presents as their natal sex.

Activists take over medical associations (most notably, the World Professional Association for Transgender Health or WPATH) and use the imprimatur of those organizations to justify providing children with puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, and even irreversible surgeries. The unreliability of much of the medical literature on pediatric gender medicine makes the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services’ recent report, Treatment for Pediatric Gender Dysphoria: Review of Evidence and Best Practices, a necessary development in the field.

Here are ten key takeaways from the review.

Children who receive puberty blockers to keep them in a pre-pubescent state longer have marked deterioration of bone health. One-third of patients’ bone density scores exhibit osteoporosis of the hip, while one-fourth have osteoporosis of the spine.  A scientific review shows that the effect of puberty blockers on neurocognitive development is unknown, but there is “some evidence” that puberty blockers suppress children’s IQ scores.  Females who receive testosterone experience vaginal atrophy and other concerning medical symptoms, including one study showing “100% of vaginectomy specimens contained abnormal prostatic tissue growth.” There is moderate and high certainty evidence of some incidence of “cardiovascular events” in women under twenty-six who received testosterone. If a male starts puberty blockers at Tanner Stage 2 (the initial stage of puberty) and goes on to take estrogen, he will almost always have the genitalia of a pre-pubescent or early puberty male. A Swedish study from 2011 found that adults who had medically and surgically transitioned had 19 times the rate of suicide deaths and nearly three times the rate of all-cause mortality and inpatient psychiatric care compared to peers of the same sex and age group. While the precise detransition rate is not known, a British study revealed that one-fifth of patients stopped hormone treatment within five years and that half experienced detransition or regret. American, British, Dutch, and Swedish researchers each examined the mortality rates among trans-identified individuals relative to the general population, and while the rates varied, each study found significant increases in mortality among trans-identifying people, with the Swedish study showing that a transgender individual faced a 2.8 times higher risk of death than their age- and sex-matched peers. The report concludes that it would be unethical to conduct a study on the effect of puberty blockers and cross-sex hormones on fertility because the “mechanism [of how this treatment interferes with fertility] is well-understood” and does not have to be established in a clinical trial. A 2025 JAMA Pediatrics study showed that between 2018 and 2022, one in one thousand (0.1%) of American seventeen-year-olds received cross-sex hormones. While this may seem like a small percentage, it is, in absolute terms, a large number of children.

The review’s key points put the risks children face when undergoing transgender medical interventions in sharp focus. Do doctors explain to their minor patients that they may experience significant negative health outcomes years or even decades in the future? When children are warned, are they mature enough to appreciate the risk of long-term consequences? Are children asked to consider the possibility that they may not identify as transgender in the future? Are children led to examine how they might feel about the interventions they received if they do indeed detransition? (My work as a lawyer in detransition cases tells me the answer to all these questions is often “no.”)

Debates about pediatric transgender interventions have largely been framed in terms of politics (what are the major parties’ stances?), law (does the Constitution permit states to prohibit transgender interventions for children?), and even philosophy (what is a woman?). But the central question we all should be asking is whether these interventions work. HHS’s exhaustive review of the medical literature makes a compelling case that the medical risk to minors posed by puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, and surgeries significantly outweighs any benefits these interventions might confer.

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Jesse Franklin-Murdock is the Miles Visiting Fellow at the Center for American Liberty and a counsel at Dhillon Law Group Inc., where his practice areas include political law and civil rights.

The views expressed in this piece are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The Daily Wire.

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New Jersey’s War On Crisis Pregnancy Centers Heads To The Supreme Court

The New Jersey attorney general’s battle against a Christian pregnancy resource center will take center stage at the Supreme Court next week as Democrat officials ramp up the lawfare against pro-life organizations. 

On December 2, the Supreme Court will hear oral arguments about whether First Choice Women’s Resource Centers, a Christian pregnancy center, can fight back in federal court against New Jersey Attorney General Matthew Platkin’s attempt to gain access to its donor lists and promotion of the abortion pill reversal. Platkin issued a wide-ranging subpoena targeting the crisis pregnancy center as part of an investigation into whether they had lied about their services. 

“If our attorney general can bully us, it can happen in other states that promote abortion. It’s our hope that our efforts will result in protection for pregnancy centers across the nation. There is such a great need in New Jersey for women to consider all of their pregnancy options and not think that abortion is their only option,” Aimee Huber, the executive director of First Choice Women’s Resource Centers, said in a press call. 

First Choice has centers in five of New Jersey’s largest cities, including New Brunswick, Newark, Morristown, Montclair, and Jersey City. Services include free pregnancy tests, ultrasounds, and options counseling. They also offer a parenting program that provides essential needs such as baby clothes and diapers. Since 1985, they have aided over 36,000 women. 

Represented by the Alliance Defending Freedom, First Choice sued Platkin after he subpoenaed them in November 2023 for ten years of documents related to its promotion of the abortion pill reversal, information they provided to clients and donors, personnel records, and copies of every advertisement the centers had run. 

“There were no allegations of wrongdoing,” Huber said. “It was simply a fishing expedition. Receiving the subpoena was completely overwhelming. We are a small nonprofit, and the idea of compiling so much information was completely daunting.”

In June 2025, the Supreme Court agreed to hear the case after First Choice’s lawsuit hit snags at the federal district court and appeals court levels. The official question granted by the court is as follows: “Whether a federal suit challenging a subpoena issued by a state attorney general is justiciable if a state court has not yet issued an order directing the recipient to comply with the subpoena.”

Responding to the Supreme Court’s decision to hear the case, Platkin said that the subpoena he issued was lawful and accused First Choice of hiding information about its operations. 

“First Choice—a crisis pregnancy center operating in New Jersey—has for years refused to answer questions about their operations in New Jersey and the potential misrepresentations they have been making, including about reproductive healthcare,” Platkin said. “I remain committed to enforcing our fraud laws without fear or favor against anyone who would harm or violate the rights of our residents, no matter how powerful the entity on the other side.”

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Alliance Defending Freedom lawyer Lincoln Wilson said that the central question before the high court was whether First Choice had the right to challenge Platkin’s subpoena in federal court. 

Fundamentally, though, Wilson said the case was about First Choice’s associational rights. 

“Any organization, right or left, no matter which side of the aisle you’re on, there needs to be the ability to keep this information confidential,” he said. “And if the government can just go ahead on a pretextual theory and demand that you turn over the names of your donors, then everyone in this country is less free.”

The Trump administration is backing First Choice with the Justice Department filing an amicus brief arguing that First Choice should be allowed to pursue its federal lawsuit. 

“A party has standing to challenge a subpoena, and such a challenge is ripe, if the party faces a credible threat that the government will bring proceedings to enforce the subpoena. Because petitioner satisfies that test, this suit is justiciable,” the Justice Department wrote.  

Pregnancy centers across the country that support vulnerable women in blue states like California, New York, and Illinois have all faced legal challenges for promoting the abortion pill reversal protocol. 

The protocol is a method backed by pro-life organizations where a woman can take a prescribed dose of bioidentical progesterone to potentially reverse the effects of Mifepristone and save an unborn child if she changes her mind at the last minute about going through with the abortion.

New Jersey has enshrined abortion into the state’s constitution and has no pro-life protections in place. Huber said that the expansive abortion laws created an environment where anyone offering an alternative would be targeted. 

“Our state has done everything they could to make New Jersey a sanctuary state for abortion,” she said. “Since pregnancy centers like ours do not perform or refer for abortion, we are targets for a government that disagrees with our views.”

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